Saturday, May 5, 2012

Movie break: A sick society not helped by a power waif out of bounds: The Crucible (1996)


Under the heading of “Beowulfian Protestantism”: A Puritanical society going to an extreme, aided by one excessive (and dramatically contorted) female

[This entry may need minor edits.]

The 1996 movie version of Arthur Miller’s play The Crucible gives cause for a large number of considerations. Miller, born in 1915 and having died in 2005, was one of the giants among playwrights in the 20th century. His most famous play is Death of a Salesman; The Crucible is probably the most likely contender for number 2, in fame and importance. I remember seeing paperback editions of it at high school, looking somewhat forbidding with the title and cover art, but I never ended up reading it in some class. That’s probably just as well; to judge from the movie, it is a dense, demanding play, mostly for conceptual reasons, and as a teenager I couldn’t appreciate it as much as I would as an adult. But coming new to it in 2012, I find it a bit of a tough drink, though rewarding, partly because, as it turns out, it makes for a demanding movie. Miller himself wrote the screenplay, apparently at around age 80; even having cut material out, it still yields a movie of about two hours, with talk and action usually coming at you pretty thickly.

Obviously this movie would not be the cup of tea for a large swath of today’s young viewers, even if they do eat up those little details of the Harry Potter saga that are ostensibly similar to some of the subject matter of The Crucible: details of alleged witchcraft. [Editorial note: I am not fully aware of all of the many details of the Harry Potter world; one thing that seems a potent indicator of them is Harry’s flying around on a stick of some kind, which resonates with nothing else so odd as the flying on sticks witches were alleged to have done during witch-hunt days.] Which brings me to one of the initial considerations I would outline, before looking closely at the movie, and especially at two of its stars, who give it its most accessible feature: Daniel Day-Lewis and Winona Ryder, who provide the only modern-looking love story in the film, with Ryder’s character especially posing a problem as a central instigator of a lot of the action in the film.

Subsection 1 just below may seem too dense and scholarly. For a more casual but focused discussion, you can go to subsection 3, “A more incisive, and off-the-cuff, explanation of old conceptions of witchcraft.”


[For “1. Preliminary assumptions,” see my May 4 blog entry for this; that is the big “spicy meatball,” which for practical reasons was separated; it is an important complement to the “spaghetti and sauce” that follows.]


2. The movie as dense costume drama, with modern-looking “romance” buried in it

Young women’s initially innocent semi-lark leads pell-mell to a town’s fear of witchcraft

When you first watch it, superficially this movie reminds you of Witness (1985), the entertaining film starring Harrison Ford and Kelly McGillis about a Philadelphia policeman who hides out in an Amish village—an entertaining, nice film that is very much of its time (especially in Mr. Ford’s character). But the opening scene of The Crucible, of long-skirted young women (having jumped right out of bed for the purpose) dancing in the woods around a caldron of weird brew over a fire, might recall The Wicker Man (see my February 1 blog entry) for its scenes of pagan ritual. The aims of most seem fairly innocent; they want a man each of them envisions to take a fancy to her, to be her boyfriend/whatever. But one participant “takes it to the next level”: Abigail Williams, played by Ryder, has already had an affair with a village paterfamilias, John Proctor, about which affair the other girls know; Abigail wants her affair to go further.

Also, Abigail seems to push the pagan dance to its extreme; maybe impatiently, she takes a live chicken wielded by the facilitator of the event, a Black servant woman from Barbados named Tituba, and breaks it on the caldron (I assume); Abigail then smears its blood on her face and has an orgiastic, rhapsodic look like a cat that has snorted a little too much catnip. (It is made clearer later that Abigail’s own wish for which she sought to conjure a positive result for was to have John Proctor’s wife die, so Abigail could have him to herself.)

No small wonder that Abigail becomes “first among equals” among the young women as things start to spiral out of control: in the wake of one young girl (Betty) taking sick in apparent shock at the fireside event, Abigail, after initially being honestly concerned about the suspicion of witchcraft appending to their morning activity, becomes the leader of the raft of young women (who are mostly teens, one would assume) who, as the community’s view of the fireside dance hardens toward an inquisitional attitude, act as a sort of hysterical clique of sensitive sorts pointing out the supposed presence of witchcraft in the village. They not only broadly “indicate” it (to the minds of elders) by their apparent group upset, but they point fingers at various specific victims (seemingly on a brute whim), and “as needed” they can allege currently seeing (or having seen) the Devil comport with some hapless individuals. Abigail becomes a headstrong “point person” in leading the women to act as a sort of squealing and fainting barometer of the burgeoning witchcraft supposedly infecting the small community.

Miller adapts history for a morality play, and distills a certain aspect in Abigail

Arthur Miller, of course, has taken a seriously intriguing historical event and employed some artistic liberties; for instance, according to a Wikipedia article on the original play, there is no historical basis (see “Historical accuracy” subsection) for a romantic relationship between the real correlates of the play’s John Proctor and Abigail Williams. Further, while a clique of teenage girls is historically noted as comprising the instigators of the Salem witch hunt (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1972, vol. 23, p. 605; vol. 19, p. 933-34 characterizes the immediate motivation behind the witch hunt as “hysteria”), the particular details of how this happened could well not be known. Thus, Abigail’s machinations and selfishness, so vividly portrayed in the film, could be a fictional artifice that amplifies and fleshes out moral aspects of the story that Miller wanted, that may or may not serve the historical interest of the story—whether this means “history” as reflecting what really happened or “history” as to what an old story should convey as relevant to us today. Ryder handles her role well, and I think it’s safe to say her character quickly becomes unsympathetic—it is one “power waif” role in Ryder’s corpus of work that is not heroic—though it has some pathetic quality; and Abigail finally does the right thing in banishing herself from Salem, off to who knows where, without her beloved John Proctor (whom, by this point, legal mechanisms have removed from her anyway).

A few questions then arise: if we grant that, in the real events, there was some group “young female hysteria” behind how the teenage instigators of the Salem witch hunts arose, if Miller’s story (taking liberties as fiction) puts some of the blame for this on the “tragically ambitious” Abigail, what is he saying about women, if anything? Is he saying something about women’s general role, over the centuries in witch hunts, whether blameworthy or not? Is there some modern slant he is giving the story, such as that “Reconceiving the Salem witch-hunt story for modern eyes, we must say that women and their ways can tragically be the cause, or an important aiding-and-abetting correlate, of this kind of thing”? Or is he saying something deeper, about the mysteries of human motivation in a situation of high societal stress and fear?

In short, there are a number of issues layered in this arcane play that is almost European in its existentialist and conceptually baroque construction: (1) What crazy stuff, particularly regarding weirdly acting (if not simply grossly irresponsible) young women, went on in 1692 in Salem, Massachusetts? (2) What may we (in Miller’s role) add today to make this episode relevant to modern life (as Miller dealt with it in about 1953; though Miller could have been a little high-handed with this)—regarding modern-day witch hunts and regarding women? (3) If the Abigail Williams character seems too distilled an instance of a crazily pettifogging female character, what value might she have today, aside from being essential to a romantic subplot that provides a hook for modern audiences? And (4) what were the old-time witch hunts about, with respect to women, that may or may not have educational value today?

I’ve answered the first three questions to some extent; let’s try to answer number 4 a bit, and this with a more accessible approach than I used in my May 4 blog entry.


3. A more incisive, and off-the-cuff, explanation of old conceptions of witchcraft

My descriptions of witchcraft and the Malleus maleficarum (in the previous entry) may seem somewhat laboredly academic, making reference to sources. Here is a concise description of what the Malleus was about, and what witches were alleged to have done, and what the Church aimed to do with them, from my memory (and these remarks can be found to accord with the various sources I’ve used).

Witches, as long as there were inquisitions to root them out, were generally considered to be in league with the Devil and to do bad in the world; often, witches’ practices preserved rituals, etc., from pagan religion. The conception of a witch usually (especially with the Malleus) tied to a sexual appetite in the witch: i.e., being sexually voracious was part of the quintessential character of this person. The Malleus went to lengths to argue that witchcraft existed; it described all the supposed practices of witches; and it prescribed remedies, which obviously usually led to execution of the witch. (The absurdity of testing for whether one was a witch, or trying to make the witch accountable, could be obvious: one test was to put the alleged witch in water; if she sank, she was innocent; if she floated, she was a witch. Also, in The Crucible, we see the paradox of the fact that if people confessed to witchcraft, their lives were spared; but if they were accused and didn’t admit to witchcraft, they were executed.)

Witches were alleged to go to sabbath-like gatherings that involved unbridled sexual activity; they were alleged, as their most obvious effect on the concrete world, to do maleficia, or making bad things happen, like making crops fail, or causing someone to get sick. In The Crucible, though they go by quickly, there are two instances of what was regarded as maleficia, which led someone to be brought into court as an alleged witch; someone’s hauled logs fall off the sled, and someone else has a bonfire burst up surprisingly. In an era when people were not educated in scientific matters, they could not understand cause and effect in certain instances, or didn’t want to admit that sometimes bad things happened by sheer chance. Perhaps sensitized by an ongoing paranoia about the presence of witches, they started looking to attribute some mishap to an efficient witch’s influence.

Witches were also alleged to have “familiars,” or a fellow bad spirit, which often was present in the body of a cat (whether the familiars were as self-involved as normal cats can seem is unclear). (In The Crucible, something else is referred to as a “familiar.” Also, in that film, it is alleged that someone’s spirit left their body to do harm to someone else; I have not heard of this from my own research on witches, but it is relatively “plausible,” no less crazy than some of this other stuff.)

Another odd “person” who did ill was an imp or spirit that sat on your chest when you were sleeping, and could cause nightmares and other bad things: a male creature of this sort was called an incubus, and a female was a succubus. Witches were alleged to fly on forked sticks (hence the later folk idea of witches’ flying on brooms). Sometimes witches had certain unusual tools for doing their ill deeds like the “Hand of Glory,” which was a corpse’s hand, exhumed and burned almost like a candelabra to have some kind of bewitching or sleep-making influence. (One of these is seen in the movie The Wicker Man.)

Witches were checked for marks on their skin, which, when found, were considered to be nipples by which a devil or other evil spirit might suck from the witch (I think this was the idea). Another horrendous move made by someone becoming a witch, as a symbol of her witchly commitment, was to scrape the baptismal chrism off their forehead (this was the old allegation, but puzzling to me: how could anything material have remained on a forehead from a baptism after many years?).

The Wikipedia article on the Malleus mentions that this book is considered misogynist. I think this both is true and understates the problem. It is true that most people killed for being witches were women. Also, it has been often questioned whether the reason some people were targeted as witches was that they were mentally ill. I reach different conclusions from everything I’ve read on this odd and not widely enough remembered period in Western history. I think the way to look at this is similar to how the Nazi Holocaust can be considered: though anti-Semitism under the Nazis was brewing through the 1930s, once the extermination process started in about 1941, the first victims were the mentally ill (and certainly it included Gypsies, homosexuals, and other undesirables), then the process became (maybe not in a rigidly transitional way) overwhelmingly targeted to Jews. The category under which the “program” operated was getting rid of “subhumans” or the like. But though this category started as encompassing a range of people, it became focused on one deliberately demonized subgroup, the Jews.

With the witch hunts, something of the same happened. Both men and women were targeted and executed as witches; and the mentally ill seem not-infrequently to have been identified as candidates. But perhaps, similar to the Holocaust, after a while, with a narrowed focus that was like the project getting more abnormally obsessive as it swung into high gear, it became primarily aimed at women. (Certainly it is remembered as being thus focused.) In a sense, it could thus have been considered a misogynist “project,” but I think it is less “ideological” than that and more fundamentally perverse, especially because it was embraced as it was by the institutions of the Church.

For instance, in the modern day, a male who has had disillusioning experiences with a few women can start grumping about women, and maybe this finds a receptive audience of equivalently grumpy men; but this is a subgroup, or a “mutual-support group,” of an admittedly marginal, humoring-themselves set of people—“losers,” but not hardened, militia-like, or socially dangerous misogynists.

But when an esteemed organization like the Catholic Church (and to a similar extent the Protestant churches) pursues a program that, after a while, seems to solely target one sex of the human race, it is at once sick, hard to understand, and yet understandable along maybe the following lines: in the late 1400s and early 1500s, Western society was dealing with a crisis of change—a move toward scientific understanding, liberalized arts, breakdown in certain social mores, and such things as the start of colonizing abroad and, later, imperialism; crisis can bring with it a fear of the unknown and a start of blaming others for certain perceived ambient excesses or signs of instability.

As an unfortunate result, women might have been targeted on the basis of males’ glimpses of their engaging in more carnally related inclinations than the (prudish) men in positions of power wanted to see; and these qualities were ascribed to alleged evil. If a particular woman was too sexually inclined, or otherwise seemed “not rational or serious enough,” she was considered to be in league with the Devil. This sounds oversimplifying, I know, but it is way to start to understand something that I still find puzzling but fascinating. I believe two reasons it is still worth trying to understand are that it went on, with all seriousness, for centuries, and it showed what havoc technology could wreak: the Malleus, reproduced by printing press, I think was the second most distributed book in Europe after the Bible, in an age when not many books were about anything else than Church business.

Another reason this is of interest is I think why Arthur Miller wrote The Crucible: because, as freakish as the Salem witch hunt seems to have been, witch hunts of a less literal sort still go on.

This is aside from the fact that the Abigail Williams character seems to take the component of “teenage women going overboard with red-herring claims about others’ witchcraft” to an extreme: far from being a female that was the unfortunate victim of wrongheaded witch hunts in Europe, Abigail seems to all appearances insane after a while, either that or horrifically irresponsible—to the point where her inflammatory and manipulative claims about others make her far more guilty of crimes of commission than the hapless sorts she is victimizing.


4. Historical flavoring can be worked around to appreciate the story

The movie has enough archaic language and style (e.g., among many other examples, “Goody” as a familiar form of address for a wife—it is short for “Goodwife,” so that whom we would call Mrs. Proctor is called “Goody Proctor”) that it may put viewers off just with that. But the emotion most actors bring to their lines helps clarify the meaning, similar to how Shakespeare may be clarified for some if they hear the olden language performed. And where the language in The Crucible may leave you momentarily flummoxed, the main characters are clear enough that we have a sense of where things are, or are going, even without catching a specific line or phrase here or there.

Interestingly, the four or five main characters are portrayed in rich ways that go a little beyond the more starchy formalities of a routine costume drama that some of the minor-character performances may suggest. Daniel Day-Lewis is the main male character who seems the only citizen of Salem who works hard in the fields, owns a large amount of property, and keeps service to a young family to heart (other men seem entirely to comprise the elderly, officers of some sort, or offbeat types well handled by a quintessential character actor). Proctor is also the only one who tends to speak in a frank, sometimes skeptical, and/or steely commonsensical way, when he doesn’t show simple brute passion (including in trying to set Abigail straight in that he will not continue his affair with her, and later that Abigail had better not bring harm to his wife). Several of the shots of Day-Lewis tend to follow the fluidity and insouciance of his performance, because they are framed a little haphazardly, or show him being a little oddly spontaneous with all else, while many other characters are framed amid an overall pictorial composition that seems a little overly fussy at times (with lines of objects within shots seeming more appropriate to still photography or to artfulness rather than to gripping motion potentially within the frame).

Ryder as Abigail brings what she can to the role, which is a passion in her voice (overriding the slightly starchy British-type accent) and a lot of expressiveness with her big eyes. Paul Scofield as Judge Thomas Danforth, who arrives rather late in the film, is presented usually pretty neatly, and though he may strike someone as “decidedly uncool” (in the colloquially American sense), he actually has one of the most adult roles in the film, as a seasoned judge who is trying to get to the bottom of what is going on, not just factually, but within the constraints of legal procedures and traditions. (The young-audience-oriented Videohound compendium describes him as “odious”; I look at him as more ambiguous, as a judge who is trying to be a good judge within what today would be an evil set of precepts.) Then, Joan Allen as Goodwife Elizabeth Proctor, seems adequate, as a rock of good sense for her husband, but a little too cool emotionally—her lack of passion helps explain why John in a weak moment fell for Abigail. Allen was Oscar-nominated for a supporting-actress role for this work, and I suppose she earned this, with her subtle performance; but it strikes me she here seems about as exciting as sandstone, though maybe the character required this.

Another character helped by somewhat histrionic performance is who may be called the second most blameworthy (next to Abigail) for fomenting the climate of fear conditioning the witch hunts in Salem: Rev. Samuel Parris, played by Bruce Davison, who is the main clergyman in town (and is uncle of Abigail, as it turns out); his property ownership and his awareness of a faction in town that has built against him make him to be a hypocrite and coward who helps make the witch hunt snowball. More apt to be sensible early on, when he presses Abigail—also more sane at the time—on the factual aspects of the dancing in the woods (he reveals his concern about his political standing), he later (indirectly) helps elucidate the narrative (if the audience needs it)—he keeps us abreast of action when it may be a little unclear—in suggesting what a spineless pettifogger if not self-deluder he is on the witch issue.

I’d made plenty of notes as I watched this film a second and third time, a re-viewing it stands up to well. But I won’t flood you with more details. The main last theme, which is also what stands out as the still-relevant point this play aims to make, has to do with legal process.


5. The fundamental problem of a theocracy in a fit: justice subverted by theological precepts, particularly on matters of evidence

To whatever extent Miller’s Salem reflects the actual Salem, this was one weird society, if one were to consider it as being in the U.S. today. The Puritans in Salem were not only earnest about how they lived their lives—putting a premium on being good and honest people, even as they worked in the fields (and yet had a Black slave or two)—but religion and the law could interleave in a way that would never be accepted in the U.S. that followed establishment of the Constitution about 80 years after the Salem witch trials. To this extent, The Crucible could be about any theocracy that suddenly gets into a fit of deciding which among its ranks was fit, and which not, to be held to account in the most extreme way—with execution—on the basis of an alleged most-intolerable deviation from what are, in such a theocracy, virtually the same: religious and “civic” law. The problem with this overlap of  religion and law is most distilled, and leads to the worst tragedy—and also the most ludicrous contortions of legal process—when it comes to witchcraft.

As Judge Danforth helpfully notes, after the young Mary Warren has broken with her fellow accusers and asserts that they are lying, “Witchcraft is an invisible crime. … There is only the witch and the victim. Only the victim and accuser can be regarded as truthful.” So here you have a situation where there is no evidence of a crime outside what the accuser says; and even when the accuser, like Abigail, seems to go into fits of making accusations as if this is her only “Plan B” when she hasn’t gotten her way on some matter previously, it becomes a horrid travesty of justice in which the accused has virtually no way to prove his or her innocence. The ludicrousness of this situation is shown when an old man is being accused of having a devil talking to him right there in the courtroom, by a young girl speaking directly to the judge; no devil is visible, of course. And the old man pathetically tries to appeal to the girl by pointing out she has known him all her life.

Things get so grim that at some point, John Proctor disparages Abigail’s behavior—justifiably—as “a whore’s vengeance.” When Abigail finds that the social/political monster of denunciation and legal machinery chewing up lives that she has helped set going has put John Proctor in a cell awaiting his execution, she steals money and tries to run away from him. On principle, he stays put. She ends up fleeing Salem, probably to a live in no way as fortunate as she has had until now.

The pessimism of the play seems mitigated somewhat by the end card noting that after 19 executions, the witch hunts ended. One ludicrous aspect of this community’s legal process was that, if a person confessed to witchcraft, he or she escaped execution. But if the accused person did not confess, he or she was executed. What did people have to lose by confessing? Their good names in the community, of course, which were not only matters of pride. That was why some people staunchly refused to confess.

Initially the witch-hunt process in Salem ate up 19 lives, but apparently so many more people refused to confess that the system—in some way—realized it was choking on its own wrongheadedness that it had set up. How much Salem citizens fully learned from this situation, who knows.

What we do know is that, on dark occasions, political witch hunts have gone on since, and still occur today.


6. Missed opportunities for humor

I’ve found this was a tough film to write on, though it is important. One way to lighten the discussion is to note that, in the movie, the subject matter (or directorial decisions) don’t allow many (obvious) moments of humor. Perhaps an anachronistic one would have been to have a James Brown tune underscore the early around-the-fire scene led by Tituba.

More apropos, I think, would have been to spice up the scene in which, naturally, the Black servant woman, Tituba, is hounded by the inquisitors first, specifically where the inquisitors incite her to confess how she comported with the Devil. Her talk about how she addressed the Devil sounds to me like the most self-parodying talk in the movie, and close to what she could have veered into for fun: comedian Flip Wilson’s character Geraldine vamping on about how “the Debbil made me do it,” including detailed accounts of her coquettishly sparring with the “Debbil.”