Friday, June 29, 2012

On “Professional Help: A satire” shown in search results

[An editorial update is included at the end. Note: As of September 9, 2013, this book is shown, under a certain Google search criterion, as in a metadata listing by Google Books, but this book remains unavailable from myself, the publisher.]

As comes as no big shock, on June 28, I found at least two search results for the Google Books preview version of my novella Professional Help: A satire turning up on a Google search. This morning (June 29), I found only one such search result. Whoever is responsible for this and for whatever reason, a few simple facts should be noted:

This book was pulled from the Google Books preview program in early January 2012. There should have been no copies of it in the Google Books system afterward, from what I was led to believe by Google Books.

I am trying to get in touch with the relevant persons/office at Google Books to get this situation mitigated, if they can do it. I expect good-faith cooperation from them, but trying to get a communication to the right person in this organization is like trying to get in touch with the right person at the IRS on a specific issue, or what dealing with the Soviet bureaucracy was probably like. No snide attitude intended here; am commenting on a practical bear.

Meanwhile, copies floating around online would technically be a copyright violation.

This book is registered with the U.S. Copyright Office, and for this reason, if an infringement case were brought, the plaintiff would be able to recover costs, which is one benefit of registering a manuscript with the Copyright Office. This statement does not constitute a threat or advisory that such a case will be brought.

Further, while the registration is in my name in the Copyright Office, I have been in the process of transferring the ownership of this copyright. For ongoing legal purposes, I am the technical owner, but (as is not really relevant to this statement) if/as things work out per my wishes, another person will be the owner.

Simply, this book is not available for sale (nor would I expect it to be in the foreseeable future), and any distribution of copies of it online would technically be a copyright infringement.

Any questions of a serious nature should be addressed to Bootstrap Editorial Services, Attn: Gregory Ludwig, P.O. Box 146, New Milford, NY 10959-0146. No e-mails (from anyone other than Google Books) will be responded to on this matter.

Thanks for your understanding.

[Editorial update, 7/3/12: Google Books has responded to me, by e-mail, twice, and has given me assurances that the full book has been removed from its files in a way that should prevent its fully being available online. (This is in accordance with the Preview Program's terms of service, as well as with what understanding we should have had with my request to remove the book in January of this year.) Thus, any further availability online, as I investigate in coming days in my own layperson's way, would seem to be the responsibility of people outside Google Books, and these people I refer to my advisory information above. Any continual instigation of unauthorized availability of this book could, in my opinion, constitute issues related to harassment, stalking, or something similar, as well as a copyright violation.]

Thursday, June 28, 2012

On the ACA decision: To our health, despite everything

What a complex decision.

As to Chief Justice John Roberts arguing the Commerce Clause did not apply to the individual mandate issue, I think his denial is good: I always thought it was a shyster argument to say that the mandate would be justified by Congress’ constitutional ability to regulate interstate commerce, which has nothing to do with possible legal issues people could have with getting individual health insurance when, for given individuals, all practical and legal parameters for these issues could be within states.

Turning the issue into one of a federal tax, and is this justified?, is a good move. And if the Court approved this, so be it.

The complexity of the decision is shown in the following paragraph from the decision, which I separate into parts for ease of reading. The fact of not everyone being on the same page with respect to all parts of the decision does not surprise me, including there being multiple dissents:


ROBERTS, C. J., announced the judgment of the Court and delivered the opinion of the Court with respect to Parts I, II, and III–C, in which GINSBURG, BREYER, SOTOMAYOR, and KAGAN, JJ., joined;

an opinion with respect to Part IV, in which BREYER and KAGAN, JJ., joined;

and an opinion with respect to Parts III–A, III–B, and III–D. GINSBURG, J., filed an opinion concurring in part, concurring in the judgment in part, and dissenting in part, in which SOTOMAYOR, J., joined, and in which BREYER and KAGAN, JJ., joined as to Parts I, II, III, and IV.

SCALIA, KENNEDY, THOMAS, and ALITO, JJ., filed a dissenting opinion. THOMAS, J., filed a dissenting opinion.

Preliminaries for a Biopsy, 2: Guidelines as to how and why I would reveal “confidential information”

Definitions, to be understood further in other blog entries: a craft-based media firm is one in which craft of the products—meeting objectives such as on the artistic, editorial, and factual accuracy levels, which are aimed to in production by “craftspeople”—is key to the company’s aims and success. Though there may be indirectness to how products ended up crafted to these objectives, and there may be excuses, pettifogging, stark disservice, etc., with regard to the handling of some workers in the process of this crafting, the craft behind products is still essential in this way.

A deal-based media firm is one in which the deal between the firm and its client is the central organizing principle: handling of the firm’s products and its workers (whether on a craft level or not) and billing of the client are oriented to the deal between the firm and its client (whether that deal is fair to the client or not), and everything else—such as meeting craft-level criteria—is secondary to this. This nature of this kind of firm is to be determined empirically, over time; no such firm would ever consciously characterize itself this way; but behaviors to be witnessed at such firms convey this nature of the firm quite unambiguously.


One of the keys (or clues) to understanding how medical-advertising/promotional firms (which can be characterized as deal-based media firms) are different from other, more craft-oriented media firms is in their having you sign confidentiality agreements. When I started to work for such firms in 2001, I signed these agreements—not every firm required them, interestingly (in fact, only a minority did)—and as I did, I did not foresee any problem with adhering to their terms.

But by 2007 or so, I would start to find good cause to override these terms in certain circumstances (aside from the issue of whether you talked among colleagues informally and off-hours about work issues, which from about 2002 on never seemed a problem for me).

But aside from the historical reasons for this later overriding, let’s outline reasonable enough ground rules for what (in a limited way) I’ll do (and have already done) in this blog.

The agreements are typically effective for 10 years—you cannot reveal essentially what seems to be stipulated as trade secrets, which very generally is information you are privy to in your work in the media firms’ offices, though sometimes the way the agreements are worded, it’s hard to know whether “trade secrets” means any sort of thing that goes on when and where you work for the firms. By 2006, I would have seen enough, at various firms, that was borderline-troubling (on an ethical if not also a legal level) that—with a firm that fell under the umbrella of Interpublic, a conglomerate I hadn’t often worked witnin—I would demand that a special clarification be added to agreements (not that I suspected this one conglomerate so much; I was taking precautionary action, based on experiences, as it happened, that I’d had outside this conglomerate).

Part of the reason for starting to include my own little provision was that, as I found in 2006, the Interpublic conglomerate demanded you sign agreements that were very specific and detailed, unlike the CommonHealth confidentiality agreement (CommonHealth is owned by the WPP conglomerate, which is actually larger than Interpublic). CommonHealth’s agreement was quite skimpy (and this latter I had only had to sign twice, once in 2001 and once in 2007).

The clarification to the Interpublic agreement (which I hand-wrote on my copy of the agreement--actually, twice, I believe in mid-2006 and in late 2007--and which I had the HR person who was involved understand why I was adding this extra provision) was that—essentially—I could be free to talk to a confidant outside the workplace about work issues, implying that it didn’t interfere with the company’s client/product-relevant interests.

So, for our purposes here, following are specific criteria I will work within in discussing—at my discretion—medical-advertising-related topics:

(1) I can talk about what happened more than 10 years before I signed an agreement, or I can talk about an issue when it has been more than 10 years since I worked on an account that involved the issue (which is consistent with the express language of the agreement); meanwhile,

(2) anything that happened within 10 years from the time of signing is not allowed to be discussed outside the company, except:

(3) given the proper conditions, I can talk about something that is NOT a matter of trade secrets as ordinarily understood—“trade secrets” meaning information that pertains to specific brands or, especially, any “proprietary” strategizing regarding how the brands would be marketed (which, typically, and perhaps ALL the time, I was never privy to in my narrowly defined technical work); or

(4) given the proper foundation, I can talk about something that is NOT a matter of trade secrets and that IS a deviation from accepted practice with respect to ethics that seem to be expected in media offices, and/or with respect to more general office manners, and/or with respect to technically-related methods or assumptions, as understood (or as should be understood) across the medical-media industry and/or across all publishing-related industries in which I’ve had experience; or,

the most conscience-wracking area, (5) when an issue involves the nature of a specific brand or some issues regarding the strategy or more specific tactics for how the brand is marketed, I can discuss this issue if it raises questions of a possible threat to public health and/or a possible violation of federal law regarding health-care-product marketing, violation of the letter of the law or (harder to address) of the spirit of the law.

Whenever I discuss an issue that involves any of the above criteria, I will reference, by number, which criterion or criteria I am following. Believe me, this is all not an easy thing to grapple with.

Monday, June 25, 2012

On the ACA decision: First, do no crying

As a longtime Democrat who tends increasingly to look alienatedly at stock Democrat positions and rhetoric that abound these days and wonder who is out of step, them or me, I need to say at least the following. (Interlude: Does Rep. Nancy Pelosi strike any other Democrat than myself as having all the subtlety and nuance of a rhinoceros?)

When people recently warned, and fussed, and fumed about how the Supreme Court’s rightward wing shouldn’t engage in judicial activism, etc., as if it would be going well out of its bounds to decide on—could it really?—the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act, the conservatives on the Court historically were never the only ones susceptible to be criticized for this. The leftward wing on the Earl Warren court was criticized for “activism” by conservatives for years.

Besides, guess which currently serving U.S. Supreme Court justice stated in a recent book that the Court does indeed have the right, indeed the responsibility, to overturn a federal law if it is found to be unconstitutional? Some conservative troglodyte like Antonin Scalia or Clarence Thomas? Some relatively more centrist type like Chief Justice Roberts?

No…a liberal justice on the Court, appointed by President Clinton….

“[Part I of this book] describes how the [Supreme] Court was given the power to interpret the [U.S.] Constitution authoritatively, striking down congressional statutes that it finds in conflict with the Constitution.” [boldface mine]

Stephen Breyer, Making Our Democracy Work: A Judge’s View (New York: Knopf, 2010), p. xii

Movie break: When the going gets tough, tough love for a lovable tough: Analyze That (2002)


For our summer-stupid season, a sequel not quite so bad as it first seemed, especially worthwhile today for its incisive peek at New York brio in responding to 9/11


If you like or really love Analyze This (1999), you would probably want to watch, if no more than once, its 2002 sequel, Analyze That. Paul Vitti (played by Robert De Niro) is still in jail—he’s been there two and a half years (with the time between the movies echoing the time in the story), and he’s getting what seems to be more cause for worry than his previous Mafia life on the street had made routine for him: as he is in jail, there is a conspiracy to do him in, involving inmates and even prison staff.


Psych elements bring clinical fun early in the movie

So he fakes insanity, and for health reasons, amid somewhat complex story-premise setting, he is released…into the custody of Billy Crystal’s character Dr. Ben Sobel, whom Vitti (in light of their previous relationship) has already tried phoning, and who also happens to be the only psychiatric professional who knows Vitti’s past case so well. Yet Vitti’s legal status—and risk of getting back into trouble if he is free on the street again—leads an FBI honcho to require Dr. Sobel, as Vitti’s custodian, to be an approved “temporary federal institution.” All this background, I think, is handled pretty well within the movie’s more careful first half (if it may seem dry to some).

This FBI-birthed arrangement happens to end up complete with a room for Vitti in Dr. Sobel’s house and the potential for tacky late-night behavior with a visiting prostitute… and, next morning, highly unseemly behavior by Mr. Vitti in front of attendees of a Jewish breakfast. (Here, the movie’s humor being crasser than that of Analyze This reaches its height, or nadir.)

The early exposition involving how Vitti is assessed as showing “brief psychotic disorder,” which could possibly presage longer-term schizophreniform disorder (unless precipitating stressors are removed), is presented pretty cogently. And people familiar with psychiatric and psychological “tools” will find interest in Dr. Sobel’s use with Vitti of a card of the Rorschach (“ink blot”) test and a picture card from the Thematic Apperception Test (real cards from both tests were not used, for professional reasons). There is also a test of arraying colored blocks from the Wechsler IQ (“WAIS”) test. Even a scene in a doctor’s examining room, with Dr. Sobel physically testing Vitti when the latter is in an apparent catatonic stupor, has its fun aspects. Supposedly De Niro had gone to observe patients at a psychiatric facility to see how to feign psychiatric disorder, which was inspired by the real-life past oddity of mobster Vincent Gigante.

Thus starts a movie that features many of the players behind the first movie: actors Crystal and De Niro; Lisa Kudrow as Dr. Sobel’s long-suffering wife Laura; Kyle Sabihy as Dr. Sobel’s son Michael (now with deepened voice); Joe Viterelli as Vitti’s loyal assistant Jelly; director Harold Ramis (I’ll note some things on him below); and, as producer for this film while he had been a consultant on Analyze This, Barry Levinson (who directed Diner [1982] and Rain Man [1988]). Not insignificantly, Analyze This made a lot of profit while Analyze That lost money.


Back on the street, the movie loses steam

Psych-related premises out of the way, Mr. Vitti and Dr. Sobel embark on some of the same escapades as complementary and yet frictional duo they were in the first movie. I think this interplay of artless Mafia don and anguishing psychiatrist can be fun stuff, if at some moments the premise seems a little “old” in the sequel. This interpersonal setup adds to the first half of the film’s being enlivened by the comedy, street-smart exchanges, and tightly edited story development that are germane to reconstituting this relationship.

However, the second half of the movie largely entails a major part of the plot, which is that Vitti, once he is released from prison, becomes a “wild card” in a situation in which his old Mafia family, now run by Patty Lopresti [sp?] (played by Cathy Moriarty-Gentile), the wife of a don who had been killed, is at odds with another family, that of Lou “The Wrench” Rigazzi, which is vying with Vitti’s old family for, I guess, control of all Mafia interests in the New York area.

Vitti manages to scout up his old comrade Jelly, and is something of a groping freelancer as he, at first, tries to keep legitimate (but small-time) jobs, and tires of this. Then he gets involved in the production of a TV series on mobsters, Little Caesar, inspired by the recent real-life hit The Sopranos, and his consultant work for this show becomes a sort of cover for Vitti as he pursues his real plot. Is he going back to a life of crime, including the major larceny of robbing gold from a Manhattan gold depository? Actually, what he’s doing is more sly, and shows him actually trying to turn over a new leaf: he is robbing the gold, but will plant it on Rigazzi’s family, in order to put that Mafia family out of business.

For those who thrive on Mafia stories, this all may have some appeal, or it may seem old. But what is interesting to me about this movie is what it never really states, though it is pretty clear as a background mood-setter and “source of some meaning” for the movie, suggested especially in background scenes, and most pointedly in a waterfront scene at the end (which is otherwise marred by a corny invocation of West Side Story): 9/11 happened about a year before this movie was released, and New York’s need to show its can-do pride and good-faith-beneath-street-tough nature is reflected in the movie’s story and some of its mood and production elements.

The movie was rushed through production—filming appears to have started in early spring 2002, and the movie was released within December 2002, which is an unusually quick production/post-production period for a major feature film. The haste may be suggested in the rather crassly dropped-in music that is a repeated theme of this film—not the well-crafted, gentle jazz of the first film, but a sort of tacky strip-club dance music with insistent texture and ominous chords. And what more often occurs in Analyze That as little "underscore" musical fills is electric piano/synthesizer stuff that is not nearly as much fun as the Louie Prima pop/jazz that enlivens the opening and closing credits of the first film.

While the first film seemed refreshingly original, this one has the negative aspects of echoing certain plot features and structures of exchanges of the first film, as well as the derivative addition of its nod to The Sopranos in using a parody of that show as a plot element.

And yet…


The 9/11 side, in retrospect, gives this movie a sort of nostalgic charm it didn’t have at first

On the one hand, 9/11, historically, could be said to have had the biggest, harshest effect on the cultural quality of this film when it was released—at the time we could have asked, Do we take in a disappointing Analyze This retread that makes a sort of banal cheerleading move in featuring spirited guys meeting (and singing!) on a New York waterfront? On the other hand, I think that, today, the 9/11-reflecting feature (if not the schlocky West Side Story themes—popping up several times in the story) can give the film its greatest interest to modern viewers.

Even in the more complex story elements, Paul Vitti and Dr. Sobel play out their (at-times silly-sided) drama amid the backdrop of legal authorities breathing down their necks and a simmering under-layer of New York crime, both of which seem to echo (somewhat crudely, on the one hand, but showing a sort of good-faith “honoring” on the other) national government facing the threat of insidious terrorism. While in Analyze This, the FBI looked like too-stiff meddlers who deserved the foiling that came to them at one point, in Analyze That the FBI seems basically “our guys,” in tone symbolized by the confidence-inspiring talking head who turns up baritone-voiced, with good news, on a TV screen near the end of the film. And Vitti himself, foiling the big beast of the Rigazzi family, seems almost like a lovable hometown Shmoe, or a local firefighter, doing his part to help the country mend post 9/11.

The fact that the gold-stealing scene involves construction site and machinery, including a giant crane, that seem to smell of 9/11-region mitigation suggests that the movie may have used such local “furnishings” for reasons of convenience, while this “happenstance” today gives  a nice reminder of how can-do in an emergency America could be, in getting honestly back on its feet, in fall 2001 through most of 2002.

Where have you gone, sobered post-9/11 optimism? Our nation turns its lonely eyes to you (apologies to Paul Simon).


Notes on director Ramis

Ramis, early in his career, was an associate of the likes of Bill Murray and the Second City/National Lampoon crew (I’m not experts on these latter), and he is handy with humor with an intelligent, irreverent edge (though with the Analyze movies he seems to employ a lot of artfulness in balancing the different influences of Crystal and De Niro, plus having a Mafia story work with a humorous edge without seeming hackneyed or stupid).

Ramis also directed the improvisation-rich Caddyshack (1980), which I feel is OK (while it is a cult film for others) and which I like in some ways (not for reasons others do, I think; I like its look at the variety of types at a country club). Also, among numerous other popular films, he directed Groundhog Day (1993), which is savored by those who like its thought-experiment side, and which I think is a good Bill Murray vehicle when Murray was in the more comic phase of his acting career.

Friday, June 22, 2012

Preliminaries for a Biopsy, 1: My plodding, frustrating route, in the mid-1990s, from staff-editing work toward freelance and, later, medical-media firms

A brief history some might find tedious, but which importantly roots my statements (to come) in other “biopsy” entries

[Here, unlike in other entries on similar or related business, I use the term “medical-media” (instead of “med-media”) as a generic term for medical advertising and promotional agencies, as well as—fitting the groping job-getting approach I took in the mid-1990s—other types of media firms related to medicine, such a small publishers. But after this blog entry, “med-media” or “medical-media” firms will tend to refer to advertising and promotional firms. Though since the 1990s I have worked for one pharmaceutical company and for a few medical-publishing-related companies, my statements to some extent here and definitely in other blog entries that are related to the theme “health-care industry biopsy” have to do with medical advertising and promotional agencies, which are a category unto themselves in terms of how they see themselves and operate and in terms of how someone like myself, no strong ally of them, sees them.

[Also, the below narrative may seem a bit of a hair shirt to get through, but obviously it is a very boiled-down account of a long, complex, at times tiring and/or frustrating process—like a few-paragraph account of someone’s punishing slog on the Long March in China in the 1930s. Also, though enticing hints about the company later called CommonHealth pop up here, these are by no means intended to be definitive or particularly deep; there is much more incisive stuff to be mined from my later and over-years experience with that company. But the later accounts, if/when made and to be made available per a very carefully worked out criterion for squaring with confidentiality strictures as well as other key considerations, would present very convincing and unambiguous characterizations, which would put the below-presented early perceptions of the 1990s in a light as being “early clues as to what would later be much more obvious.”]


It’s funny how your thumbnail-sketch memories of a time that is fading into the past seem so much on target, but when you look again at records of the details, some old facts are readily remember-able and others are less so. I would have said it was tough to make the transition from staff editor, as I was from August 1990 through February 1994, to freelancer, which really only got underway with much continuity in 1997. What happened in all of two years from about mid-1994 to late 1996?

Actually, there was a long, slow process of sending speculative resumes to many employers, some to the same employer several times over a few years, similarly to what I’d done to get my 1990-94 jobs. Now I see how complex the process was—and I remember more of it than I expected, including its onerous side. So when I have said that medical-media types who come into their industry young and untested didn’t walk much of a walk to get there, I wasn’t joking.

I also see how naĂŻve I was to apply to certain places. I see, too, how the aloofness and unavailing quality of some targets of applications were then, judging from lack of response (or employers’ lack of interest after I interviewed with them). This aloofness was harder to anticipate than you would think the corresponding tendency is today, where so much seeking work is done online, and your online evidence (LinkedIn page, debris available on a Google search, etc.) can turn people off you as was not possible in 1995. On one level, 17 years ago, certain media employers could be aloof by simply not responding, or being highhanded in the particular way they sought applicants via classified ads and the like; today, they can be aloof by requiring online applications, via which a weird bunch of unseen and un-anticipatable hoops to get through can be unavailing in their own way.

Another pattern that emerges is more unique to me: while numerous people I’ve encountered—some younger than I—started in the medical-media industry in the 1990s, some as early as the early 1990s, my own participation in that area didn’t start until 2001. But what I accumulated in the 1990s, as they did not, was a lot of experience in more traditional media areas—newspapers, magazines, educational and reference books—that meant dealing with a high volume of copy, and needing to know complex rules that differed a lot between employers. And I also learned from the way you were handled—valued for what value you must bring to the product, but paid low, and sometimes treated like dreck regardless—and of course this differed from the medical-media style: valued for how you would fit into their business plan, in a way your personal effort could not (necessarily) have much control over.

These are generalizations. Let’s look at details.

When I worked at AB Bookman from February 1992 through January 1993, I applied steadily, to a range of types of places, and knew I must work somewhere out of Sussex County. Interestingly, I applied to a place I saw advertising in the classifieds—Thomas G. Ferguson Associates. I don’t think I even knew what kind of firm this was—that it handled medical advertising. I applied two times (!) in 1992, October 12 and 21. The repetition shows the insistence I tried (I was probably more desperate to leave AB), as possibly increasing my chances.

Later, with other applications in between, I applied to Clinicians Publishing Group on November 23, 1992 (probably answering an ad); I had applied to them before. This time I got called to an interview—oddly, to me (in terms of mood, mainly), between Thanksgiving and Christmas. I was offered the job (after Christmas, if I recall). I worked there for 13 months or so—and the rest was history (for me).

Through all this history, keep in mind: I didn’t simply apply to the places I name here, but I mention them because they are relevant to my theme of medical advertising or they are places I actually eventually worked at. Through the 1990s, as inefficient as it may sound, it was still essential to my career that I applied to many places almost all the time, hundreds per year, with many tries to the same places, spaced over time; I think in about 1999, I found that, over about a decade, I’d applied (usually meaning sent a query letter with resume and, often, a work sample) well over a thousand times (including many repeats, and many with not terribly high likelihood of eliciting a response).


Trying medical media as seemingly a new avenue I was qualified for

Once my days at CPG started looking numbered, I probably was more apt to apply for medical media firms, to exploit my experience (and work samples) from CPG. I applied (while still at CPG) to Integrated Communications Corp., with Nancy Sivartsen the contact, on January 4, 1994—and again on March 17, 1994 (after I was fired from CPG). With the second try, I got a call for an interview. I still remember something about that. She seemed to take me seriously to some appreciable extent. But she didn’t hire me. I would retry her with more query letters with resume over the next few years. (Interestingly, ICC was one place I never was put to work at after, in 2001, I started working at medical media firms via a placement agency. Also, I finally met Nancy again when we were both working at a different firm, and she was a freelancer, in 2006—she didn’t remember me from the 1990s, of course.)

I applied to Reed Reference Publishing on April 18, 1994 (was this the first time?). I didn’t actually work for them until fall 1995, after I had applied in September 1995 or so—maybe not the first time since April 1994. More history (in my life) would be made (from October 1995 through March 1996).

I applied again to ICC, again addressing Nancy, in May 1995 and January 1996. I would also apply to Medical Economics, which was in Montvale, N.J., a number of times (I eventually was interviewed there, I think for the first time in 2001—I’m not sure when the other time was).


Despite my experience, not easily allowed in the “medical-ad door”

Overall, I felt that my CPG time should have earned me a chance at medical editing again, however much I’d felt shamed and discredited with how my job ended there; yet I “decidedly” found that it wasn’t getting me into the door of any sort of medically-oriented media firms as readily as I would have liked (or required to meet my financial needs). This plus the sheer frustration of getting promising interviews for media firms of whatever type means that the period of about mid-1994 through later 1996 was a strangely straining time, spread over months and months—and I wasn’t dilettantish, I wasn’t being lazy; I had bills to pay (such as car payments). And even then, as much as I stepped up applications and developed a certain hardness or “cynicism” about certain instances and methods of it, I generally looked to each application seriously, as if it could or should really lead to something. But despite this, the slow results were pretty wearing. (Thus it was all the more a miracle when freelance work started flowing steadily in 1997.)

So in the mid-1990s, not only was I slow to get my foot in the door of medical-media firms due to conditions not all in my control, but I did a lot of walking—through applications, waiting—as well as shoveling a lot of work once I got it. Consider my AAC and AB work—about 8 million words of work. CPG was 600,000. All that shoveling—and still no chance at medical advertising (though I did not know, and could not, how little that kind of high-volume shoveling was valued at the medical-advertising firms I would eventually work at).

And one of the big ironies came in early 1994, when I spoke to Louise Asper of Horizon Graphics and she said I needed three full references, which I could not supply at the time. “We can be kind of held liable,” she explained as a possibility that could arise if I didn’t have the references, which I found rather preposterous then and see much more so now. So no work through them yet. (I would get work through them starting in 2001, when I finally had the three references—courtesy of the reference and educational areas of publishing. Then the successor to Horizon in terms of who its principals were, “The Gary Laverne Group,” would collapse in 2007 after being in business only about seven years.)


The tiny beginnings of my experience with CommonHealth

So you could say that, pre-Internet, with mail being my primary way of scouting up work (and interestingly, even today, I get more responses or communications about possible work in response to my mailings than I do via my LinkedIn page!), progress was slow, and medical media was not a very promising area for me by about 1996.

The first medical-advertising place I was interviewed at, aside from ICC in 1994, that actually augured something of what I would experience in 2001-10, was Ferguson 2000, a branch of what I would later appreciate was CommonHealth, a confederation of originally small, independent agencies that was slowly transforming itself into a large corporation. I interviewed here in March 1995, while I was working at my one main stint of non-publishing work in the 1990s, MetLife (through a temp agency). Two women interviewed me, a young one and a middle-aged one (the latter whose name I remembered—Joan S.—as I would actually work with her when I worked at Noesis in May 2001, one of my first assignments through Horizon Graphics). I think there was a test they had me take. There was some sign they weren’t that interested in me. I might not have made as good an impression in the interview as I could have. I remember the women rather sniggering about me as I left (all the more interesting as Joan did not show such a snarky attitude toward me in 2001).

I think I remember the CommonHealth emblem on the wall, a “mandala” I think the company called it.

I was rather surprised at the smallness of the women for being apt to snigger about me. In long retrospect, this would make some sense as reflecting something of the culture of the company.


Other companies, more tries

In January 1996, I interviewed at Humana Press (which I also applied to several times over the years), with a John Eagleson, to whom I would send follow-up letters in subsequent years.

It appears from my records that Thomas Ferguson Associates advertised for a job with use of the New York Times mail boxes that were sometimes used by job advertisers. I applied, in February 1996. I don’t know if they hid their identity, as some such users did. (If you ask how I knew this ad was for Thomas Ferguson if it’s identity was hidden, it’s a long story how I knew, and would involve my diving back into old records…just take my word for it now.)

I interviewed at Gordon Publications (I think the name was then) in late May 1996 (this was another place I applied to several times). I actually interviewed there more than once over a number of years.

I tried The World Almanac (without knowing who it was that often advertised with only an address in the classifieds) in April 1996—that was another one I applied to numerous times (I was finally given work there starting in May 1998—ultimately three years’ worth, and very memorable—and a good place to work).

I sent another letter to Ferguson 2000 in July 1996 (I’m not sure if there was any between this date and when I interviewed in March 1995). I sent them another resume update in November 1996.

I did actually work for one firm that advertised every so often, and to which I applied several times, Montage Media; I worked sporadically there through 1996. I sent them a resume update, perhaps to trigger getting more freelance work, in late October 1996.

There was a firm called Dugan Valva Contess that I applied to at least in September 1996—they sent a letter in response, a practice that used to be not-uncommon among employers you sent resumes to, for which you were at least somewhat qualified, but which practice was becoming increasingly rare in the 1990s, and certainly did within the decade 2001-10. There was another firm, DFC as they identified themselves, which was in Upper Saddle River, N.J.; I applied there several times over a few years, too (I believe), and interviewed there one time, but never worked there. (Upper Saddle River, which seemed so far away when I interviewed at DFC, was where I would actually work for Prentice Hall starting in mid-1997.)

I would apply to Thomas Ferguson Associates again, with contact person Diane Smith, in August and October 1996.

It seems impressive to me how steadily I tried places again and again in 1995-96, some of which I eventually worked at in later years (though the cause-and-effect link between the full set of resumes sent to a given place over a lengthy period, and actually getting work there, was never so clear as was more of a gambling aspect to trying to get work at these places). Also, in retrospect, there is an interesting irony: many of the places that advertised, and to which I sent resumes, and at which I sometimes worked in the 1990s and early 2000s have gone out of business, or been bought up by different company, or been folded into another, fellow firm’s location: these include but are not limited to Troll Associates (where I worked in 1998), Montage Media, and Silver Burdett Ginn (for which I worked in 1999-2000 [see End note]).

What a lot of applying (and I haven’t mentioned the many other places, on which I kept a detailed log on pages and pages of three-ring paper). And does it seem it was so slow for me to get into medical media firms? And why? I didn’t lack for editing skills and experience. Looking back, I can say there was a species of aloofness to these firms that I didn’t quite apprehend or understand (unlike the species of aloofness I learned to recognize in more usual media firms such as I’d worked at). Were the medical-media firms preferring to hire editors of my technical sort only through placement agencies in the 1990s? That I had no way of knowing.


CommonHealth in the late 1990s to 2000; another “emblem” of the firm emerges

Without looking over my records, I’m not sure how many times I applied to CommonHealth branches in, say, 1998-2000 (to whatever extent I knew or suspected they were such branches, or whatever I felt the fact of being such a branch meant). But at least a couple times in 2000, I did write to the TFA building, though whether to TFA specifically I don’t know, which I also knew was a location of CommonHealth. One of their letters said, as such routinely did from them, that my skills didn’t match their needs, or such.

But another letter was refused by the addressee!—a woman in the human resources department. This was striking. I found later that she resigned a few days after my letter was returned. So, was she in a weird mood in her last days there? Was she ready to spit nickels? And, with all else, she would refuse the letter from the noodge who keeps writing?

Ironic, since I actually started working for CommonHealth the next year, and would do so off and on for most of a decade.

What saddens me when I review my correspondence from this time is one passage (in January 2000) that I routinely included in work-seeking letters in the late 1990s, which well reflected what work experience I had by then: “My total editorial experience is more than six and a half years’ worth, calculated as solid time of close to full-time hours. This extends over almost 10 years. This has involved not only writing but also proofreading and copy editing and other editorial handling of more than 11,250,000 words’ worth of material. In another respect this has involved more than 150 issues of magazines; more than 245 issues of community newspapers; and seven large, and a few smaller, nationally distributed books.”

It astonishes me how, by 2000, I tried to get into the types of work I did on this solid basis—which incidentally meant that I had accumulated a number of useful work samples—with the result that, almost a decade later, within which was much work for medical-media firms, I ended up (1) with very few work samples from the medical-media firms; (2) being treated like a reprobate in an unprecedentedly scandalous way in my experience; and (3) seeing a need to explain, for whoever, what is now about 20 years of editorial work as you see online. 

So let’s see: of all these firms, CommonHealth showed some interesting stripes: smug women sniggering at me as I left an interview in 1995, and in 2000 an HR worker refusing a letter out of hand. These examples may seem minor and even ambiguous. But when we look at later developments in the following decade, we will think these early behaviors are harbingers of much clearer, much worse, and much more “company-culture-reflecting” behaviors to be seen over the long term. These early behaviors thus could be considered to reflect a more general company culture that I could not possibly read as such in 1995 or 2000, but which certainly look more so in retrospect.


End note

This may seem a complicated set of details, but it shows how tricky it can be to talk of these companies when so much changes with them due to shorter-term, more normal economics, or the broader, more cataclysmic economics of the 2008-and-after financial crisis. Located in Parsippany, N.J., Silver Burdett Ginn (“SBG”)—which was associated, as a fellow on-site division, with the name Scott Foresman, which used to be a separate company—eventually was more or less folded into the Pearson conglomerate. At first, SBG, by maybe 1995, was owned by Paramount/Viacom, which also owned Prentice Hall and other such educational-publishing properties by the mid-1990s. Thus, Prentice Hall and SBG were among properties under the Paramount/Viacom corporate umbrella; but SBG was in a separate facility miles away from Prentice Hall, and in some minor, and I guess procedural ways, was like a separate company. Then when Pearson bought the whole set of Viacom-owned educational publishers in 1998, SBG was still in the same separate facility. I worked for SBG (as a freelancer) only in 1999-2000, and how or even whether it may have changed in operations or company culture as the decade 2001-10 went on, I don’ know, though I do think Pearson tried to make things a little more homogeneous or interlinked between Prentice Hall and SBG. But then apparently due to the 2008 financial crisis, SBG was, as far as I know, removed from its Parsippany location and folded into the Prentice Hall facility; whether its separate name or that of Scott Foresman still exists as an “imprint,” I don’t know.

Tuesday, June 19, 2012

In editing, what is a freelancer? Versus a temp? And other considerations

[This is not quite a follow-up to my entry "What is editing?" of May 10. Also, this isn't just technical mumbo-jumbo; there are a few common types of confusion about terms and general notions that need to be cleared up, so that--for instance--when people hear the term "freelancer," they don't automatically think "temp," and therefore "someone just out of rehab, a loser."]


On June 16, I heard a business-news item on WCBS Newsradio 880 (a New York news radio station) about what a temp worker is versus….  Part of the idea was to say that temps are at all levels of expertise, and employers that use them aren’t necessarily low-quality, etc.

A lot of this was old news to me, but it made me realize I should explain a few things that will help you understand other blog entries here that have to do with medical editing. And some of this is commonplace understanding.

In short, if you don’t work at a place as a “permanent employee” or a staffer, then you can be temporary—in one of a few ways:

A temp is placed at a workplace via what I call (and what the industry sometimes calls) a “placement agency,” or a temp agency. Temps can be of a few kinds—relatively low-skilled or low-experienced office workers (such as have been supplied by Olsten, Manpower, a branch of the Robert Half company, and the like), and more-skilled or highly skilled (supplied by a variety of “creative staffing” agencies, or some branches of Robert Half, or—as I’ve experienced in my past work years—Horizon Graphics, “The Gary Laverne Group” [a pseudonym], and so on). The more-skilled temps can be editors, graphic illustrators, accountants (cf. Accountemps, a Robert Half company), and even lawyers!

A temp is an employee of the temp or placement agency, paid usually in a payroll fashion by that firm, with taxes taken out. This agency is paid by the client company at which you, the temp, do your actual work. The client company and the agency have an understanding on how and when the client should pay the agency for the work the temp does; the temp, meanwhile, must always be paid in a timely fashion in the usual way a payroll check is handled (every two weeks, or whatever is understood in the given work situation as the rigorous arrangement). Sometimes, as a matter of happenstance, a client will not be paying a temp agency quickly enough to cover the temp agency’s financial obligations to its workers, so the temp agency will work with a funding company, a sort of bank for businesses, to have the money on hand to be able to disburse payroll checks. How this latter situation works may be clearer when I may look at a particular example of this, when things went wrong.

A freelancer is, in the older usage, a worker who works temporarily—on some pre-agreed schedule (days, weeks, months, or per project, etc.) for a client, with pay agreed to be calculated on a certain basis (per unit of time; per page of work; per other, big unit of work, etc.). A freelancer gets paid by the workplace or the individual client directly—by checks cut individually, with no taxes taken out, and with the result that the freelancer will need to report the income as self-employment income on his or her tax return (on Schedule SE), and for its typical part, the client or employer will send the freelancer a Form 1099 reporting all the money he or she has been paid the past calendar year.

There are professional associations for freelancers, like the Editorial Freelancers Association (based in New York, and which I’ve been a member of, and gotten good help from); there has also been the Freelance Editorial Association (FLEA, based in Boston, Massachusetts—apparently no longer in existence). Such organizations tell you how you can scout for freelance work; how to bill clients; what kinds of typical professional problems to expect; and so on.

These two types of temporary workers, as outlined here, should be fairly easy to understand. Some people prefer being the one, some the other. Generally being a freelancer is more “lonely”—you don’t have the protections you can get from being an employee of a temp agency, as you can get from an employer who is obligated to cut you a regular paycheck, etc. But to me, being a temp can be constricting, the management can be a little condescending (on the parts of the agency you work for and the client you work at), and the temp-agency business model can be apt (on rare occasions) to run into certain odd problems that I can give a vivid example of elsewhere. I think that being a freelancer teaches you discipline, both in terms of attending to your own needs as a worker and in how to conduct yourself in businesslike ways (as in preparing and following up on invoices, etc.). There are numerous pros and cons to both types of temporary worker that can’t be detailed here.

The term “freelancer” versus “temp.” One thing I should point out is that a lot of editorial temp workers (such as those who work at medical-advertising agencies) tend to call themselves “freelancers,” and the clients who hired them also call them this, which I think is, strictly speaking, a misnomer. But another complexity is that so many people—especially outside this employment situation—tend to regard “temps” as second-class, almost like people who recently emerged from rehab, a psychiatric facility, or a prison, or who are some kind of inveterate losers. Thus, to minimize the possibility of undue contempt from others, I like to refer to the types of agencies that handle the highly skilled workers they place as “placement agencies” instead of the commonly more pejorative “temp agencies.”

Being able to get unemployment benefits. Generally a temp can more easily qualify for unemployment benefits than a freelancer can, because the temp works for a payroll-based company, and out of the temp’s pay come payroll taxes some of which cover state programs like unemployment. But be clear on what your state’s rules are for qualifying for unemployment. In New Jersey, at least, you have to have at least 17 weeks of employment from whose pay unemployment taxes were taken out (I think this is the criterion that defines what is called “covered employment”), within the yearlong period that starts 18 months before you file a claim. And of course, when you file a claim, you have to have just left a payroll-type job from which you were cut off through no fault of your own. So, say you file for unemployment in February 2012 as soon as your temp work for Company X has just ended through no fault of your own. In the period September 2010 through August 2011, you have to have worked at least 17 weeks of employment (which could have been for another company than X, say Company Y or Z), which employment was in an arrangement where taxes were taken out to cover unemployment. This simplifies the situation a bit.

Some people prefer doing temp work because it allows them to go on unemployment readily when temp work runs out; they can be in and out of temp work, alternating with being on and off unemployment, for up to a year or more (depending on ability to get extensions). I know someone who has this method down to a science. This may be a legitimate way to bring in income, but I myself would not call this a freelance life, though I believe he has called himself a freelancer doing this.

Placement agencies compared to literary agencies. Especially regarding highly-paying editorial engagements, I like to think that placement agencies are similar in some broad ways to literary agents with regard to the latter’s placing trade books, because, for one thing, in both cases you can’t get access to the “publishing venue” for your work except by these agency routes. (I am especially apt to make the analogy because I have also had experience over years, especially between 1985 and about 1995, in corresponding with trade-book publishers directly, without an agent, before it became common and almost necessary to contact them only through a literary agent. And I also have worked with medical-media firms directly, not through an agency, so I have more of an “in and out” experience of the agency-business phenomenon. When it works well, agency representation can be a lifesaver of sorts for your career and financial needs. But when such an agency fails, there can be very unusual and disturbing problems. I also have experience with a placement agency’s breakdown to talk about [not here], which poses some thorny problems not unlike some you can encounter with a literary agency.)

A few remarks on details of the functioning of placement agencies, and common attitudes associated with these.

“Temp to perm.” Often you’ll hear people who work within placement agencies, whose job is to place temps with clients, talking about a particular “gig” in which they may place you, the temp, as “temp to perm,” as if you are at first working with the client as a temp to see if you fit the work, and for the client to see if you fit them, and then you may be offered a permanent position with the client doing the same kind of work. This option used occasionally to be an intrinsic component of a temp-work offer, or otherwise suggested, to me roughly 10 years ago; today—though I try not to work for placement agencies at all—I would tend not to look for the “temp-to-perm” aspect, or want to even be in a position of having it waved in front of my face. I never liked it that much in past years anyway. And I think, in general, that abuses can readily appertain to this “option”—such as (as I think is not only a credible possibility but may not be uncommon) a client talking to you or your placement agency as if a job for you is “temp to perm” to incur your interest and motivation to do the work, then the client decides not to offer a perm position to you anyway, for whatever reason that was pretty much foreordained.

Temps are dubious workers. This idea—which to me is clearly wrong, not only based on my own experience, but based on today’s business practices—seems common among young workers—among early twenty-somethings, or people with a very narrow range of job history and areas of work. I think it is eminently an unacceptable viewpoint, and I think any employer that allows this attitude to somehow hold sway over how temps are used there is not an employer worth working for.

Why do medical-media firms prefer hiring temps? And can you work for a medical-media firm without doing so through a temp/placement agency? These are two interesting questions, and they touch on the unusual business model of medical-media firms—and the potential for unusual and acutely bothersome problems for the temp/freelancer that can arise when working for medical-media firms.

The answer to the second question is Yes, and I have done this a number of times, in 2006-10, and that for different reasons. (I have seen others work for medical-media firms not through a placement agency, also. How they got the work as opposed to the complex way I got it, I can’t testify to.) But for me, the spur to working for a medical-media firm directly, in 2006 when I lined up a large amount of work, and in 2007 when I initiated working sporadically for one large firm over a number of years, was the breakdown of a placement agency for which I’d worked from 2004 and which went out of business in 2007. When you work directly for a medical-media firm, you can submit your own invoices to it (as I did with a few), payable on whatever schedule they use; or, as I did in one company’s case, you can be incorporated into a client’s “dashboard” system, reporting hours to superiors almost as if you are a permanent employee of the firm.

The first question is tricky to answer. For years I could only speculate on why temps were preferred. Part of what bothered me was the fact that, before 2001, I had about a decade’s experience in doing staff then primarily freelance editorial work, which entailed considerable volume of material I handled. Since, in addition, I could be trusted to handle financial issues (invoicing, etc.) for editorial work, why would a medical-media firm not want to hire me directly as a freelancer, and thus bypass the placement firm that tacked on its own surcharges, etc., to its bill for me? I could even bill it for the same hourly pay I got through the placement agency, and without the surcharges added, this would cost the medical-media firm significantly less per hour. This question puzzled me in about 2003 and 2004.

It quickly became obvious to me that the medical-media firm had its own reasons that did not amount to the concerns for getting good work as cheaply as possible, as was endemic to more normal media firms. But the benefits the medical-media firm derived from using temps were hard (at first) to determine: initially it seemed the main concern was control, in that the medical-media firm wanted to exercise its prerogative to end your work abruptly when it chose (which I found to be factually common starting in no later than 2002); and when it did this, then the only company you could and should address with your concerns was the placement agency, who was technically your actual employer. This buffered the medical-media firm from any fallout from you, if any was expected or feared.

But as time went on, the logic I inferred behind why medical-media firms used temps as they did began to involve other considerations that were more labyrinthine but became the only basis, to me, for understanding some bizarre stuff that went on, which became evident starting in 2007. On all this, I defer discussion.

Friday, June 15, 2012

Movie break: Foxes tangoing, and father issues in a tough city: Analyze This (1999)

With a peek at Taxi Driver (1976)

[In a sense this follows up my June 8 entry on The King of Comedy. Some of the argument toward the end goes in a direction I’m not entirely comfortable with, but I leave this development as is. A few small edits were also done 6/25/12.]


De Niro’s special talent, and Italian-Americans’ contribution to the cultural table

Last year, maybe in the late winter, real estate mogul Donald Trump made a comment about actor Robert De Niro’s being “not the brightest bulb on the tree” or something similar. The comment was a blunt dismissal as if De Niro was obviously stupid. The spur for this comment doesn’t matter; it is completely uncalled for, and not that De Niro needs any defense from some small quarter like mine, but let me make a few appreciative comments about him that will be a good prelude for a look at two of the movies in which he’s starred.

De Niro might especially give an impression of “not being swift enough” when you hear him in DVD commentary and he seems not very elaborate or sure moment-to-moment in prompted discourse on something related to his work. But to me this reflects that he’s an intuitive artist who is much more adept at delivering his work than in talking about it. I find that sometimes he can be slightly trying to listen to, but he makes the points he needs to. He is somewhat like Paul McCartney, whose remarks, when read on the page (as in the 2000 “autobiography” of The Beatles, published by Chronicle Books), can seem banal or styled with a lot of idioms and roundabout quality yet do not say too much (unlike John Lennon’s, whose comments, often those made in his twenties, can sometimes seem a little jejune but almost always convey machine-gun wit and telling it like it is). But if you listen to McCartney giving a videotaped interview in his later years, his remarks have a subtlety that is demonstrated by the emphasis and other nonverbal expressions he gives: again, he is an intuitive worker who is good at delivering the product, but not so adept at talking about it at a sort of fully educated, academic remove.

De Niro also has a quality as an actor that I should approach from the angle of talking about his ethnicity, which might seem to some like I am straying into explosive territory. In this country, we have become so shy about talking about some aspects of ethnicities, especially regarding some groups who have been subject to more discrimination than others, that we lose opportunities to make genuine and interesting observations. When it comes to the Italians, one of those groups who in the U.S. have their own anti-defamation society, we seem especially on tricky ground. But why should we? Italian-Americans complain about creative depictions of the Mafia—even excoriating Francis Ford Coppola or Martin Scorsese for doing so. But why? Of all the ethnic groups that have had or been involved in organized-crime groups in this country—and this includes, but is not limited to, Irish-Americans and Jews along with Italian-Americans—the Italians were most colorful at it, to judge from even recent examples like John Gotti’s family. Why be mealy-mouthed or evasive about the Mafia aspect to Italian-Americans’ history? We need not imply that it has been all they’ve been about.

Another issue is personality style. I don’t think it’s being prejudicial to say that Italians, among the most celebrated European ethnic groups, are typically the most florid in self-expression—they wear their emotions, positive and not-so, on their sleeves, i.e., they won’t beat around the bush in conveying an emotional side on something of honest importance. From what other ethnic group can we learn so much about this side of self-expression? The Dutch? The Belgians?

When it comes to being an actor, I don’t know firsthand what it means to tap into your deeper emotions to deliver some portrayal of character, whether the character is a psychopath, grippingly conflicted, delightfully comic, or whatever else. But one way to analyze De Niro is to consider theories of personality that come out of psychologist Abraham Maslow and, to some extent, philosophy professor Harry G. Frankfurt. Maslow theorized about a hierarchy of needs, where the more animalistic needs—related to food, sex, and so on—formed the base of a pyramid of levels of needs, and those for our emotional side, intellectual gratification, and so on, were more toward the top. And if the needs on the lower levels were not satisfied or well addressed, those in the upper levels suffered.

Frankfurt said something of the same thing in his theory of weakness of will, expounded in his article, “Freedom of the Will and the Concept of a Person” (The Journal of Philosophy [January 14, 1971), vol. 68, no. 1, pp. 5-20). (He is also the author of the less-technical book On Bullshit, published by Princeton University Press, which made a hit and was discussed in the media in 2005; see, e.g., “Between Truth and Lies, an Unprintable Ubiquity,” The New York Times [February 14, 2005], pp. E1, E8.) At the risk of sounding too glib on a philosophic issue—weakness of will—that has concerned major thinkers for centuries, I’ll sum: In his 1971 article, Frankfurt said that a conflict in which we have trouble committing to decision on a course of action (say, a pending decision on an apparently conscious level such as, “Should I reconcile with person X or not?”) could be understood with reference to their being different levels—or different “orders”—on which decisions and conflicts can operate. When there is a conflict of a first-order type, it interferes with resolving a second-order conflict or pending decision.

The first-order decision, let’s say, can operate more in the area of more animal, physical, visceral, or everyday needs. Thus, if this conflict was resolved, the resolution would “resonate” through the levels on which our personality functions, so that the conflict on the higher level, or second order, could also start to resolve. So, the decision on whether to reconcile with person X may depend psychologically on resolving a lower-order problem, such as a visceral, general trouble with relating to certain kinds of people (such as women versus men, or vice versa).

The point regarding De Niro is that what makes him fascinating as an actor—and, among other things, a “master of underplaying,” as actress Cybill Shepherd says in DVD commentary for Taxi Driver—is that he elegantly wields energy from sources of the more animal or strong-emotion parts of the personality—blunt rage, strong regret, despair or sorrow—so that expressions on the more intellectual, verbal level become all the more powerful, evocative, without his needing to spray a lot of fancy-pants words to get the point across. This is something an Italian can do much more easily than someone of ethnic stock that features a lot of reserve or forever-muted emotions. And when you have the talent to convey such emotions, rather than merely being a psychologically broken-down mess, you have an artist sculpting what it means to be human on an emotional level that can serve the interests of a story in terms of what a degenerating psychopath would be like, or how a colorful Mafioso can “be himself” yet also play to the comic needs of a story, and so on.

In the 1970s, De Niro took parts that were supposedly other ethnicities than he is, which of course is Italian. Travis Bickle—the weird name doesn’t help—is someone from the Midwest, though we can’t figure out what kind of ethnicity he has from anything other than De Niro’s style. In The Deer Hunter (1978), De Niro plays a Russian-American veteran of the Vietnam War.

By the 1990s, it’s safe to say that almost always, he plays someone Italian-American, while his personality in this regard has gotten more thickened and obvious—as, I think, people generally get “more like their ethnic background,” if not a stereotype of the same, as they age, anyway. Today, I would say, it seems goofy for Travis Bickle to have been expected to be something other than Italian, especially as some of his more emotional expressions—as in the famous “You talkin’ to me?” scene in front of the mirror—have a “punky-Italian” flavor to them. And more generally, what is delicious about De Niro’s performances, I think, often derives from the Italian style of self-expression he uses.


I. Testament of a breaking-down loner: Taxi Driver (1976): a few remarks

I started reviewing Taxi Driver in the end of my June 8 blog entry. I wrote a ton of notes from my recent viewing of the ~2006 DVD of this film, which I recommend if you are interested in this movie; the extras can flesh out your appreciation of this film considerably. Martin Scorsese comments, in interviews filmed at different times, on the history of the making of this film, as well as its theme and intentions as he understood them. Producer Michael Phillips comments on some background issues; writer Paul Schrader offers insights of a more literary and psychological sort that can be fascinating (he emphasizes that the film is about the pathology of loneliness, and he references Camus’ The Stranger and Sartre’s Nausea, and Fyodor Dostoyevsky). The facts that (1) the script was written from a strong sense of what Schrader wanted to say, and that (2) the production executives who were willing to allow it to be made wanted a success from all the four principals (Scorsese, Schrader, De Niro, and Phillips) before they would green-light the film, and that (3) even in the production it was made cheaply enough that today it would be considered a sort of indie: all these things show how difficult and yet careful the making of this film was, while today it is regarded as a milestone, even if some would find its content rather a strong, almost repellent tonic.

Another notable feature is that this film has the last soundtrack composed by Bernard Herrmann, who died the night of one of the days the score was recorded (though he wasn’t conducting during the recording that day, while he had been the day before). Herrmann, who is remarkable to me for using the “voices” of instruments (along with melody, harmony, and other more theory-oriented aspects of music) to contribute to mood, has perhaps been so associated with “noirish” film classics—such as Citizen Kane (1941), Vertigo (1958), the first Cape Fear (~1961), and so on—that his touches to Taxi Driver (which Scorsese calls a “kind of a noir”) seem essential. Herrmann seems to me one of the few major film scorers, if not the only, who uses muted trumpets as much as he does. And they are heard here, giving their typical “noirish” sound, which conveys a sort of danger, darkness, seediness, to the movie that adds to its confluence of elements that make for a fearsome esthetic experience.

I’ll round out my scattered remarks on this film with a note about the traveling salesman, “Easy Andy,” played by Steve Prince, who sells Travis the set of guns Travis later uses to murder several principals of a bordello at which prostitute Iris, played by Jodie Foster, works. Prince was not an actor but apparently knew whereof he spoke in his business dealings with Travis. He gets done with his interesting Travis in a variety of guns, then, as he packs up, reels off a range of illegal drugs—is Travis interested?—and ends up with a plug for a “brand-new Cadillac, with the pink slip, for two grand”: that strikes me as damned funny.


II. Analyze This: Mafioso to shrink: “I couldn’t get it up last night!”

By the time De Niro played the role of Mafioso Paul Vitti in this 1999 film, he was well established not only for the many roles he’d played—I’ve mentioned just a few of his varied 1970s roles—but for seeming to focus on tough guys, especially in his work for Scorsese, that were resurgent in the 1990s with his role in Goodfellas (1990) and in the less well-esteemed Casino (1995). With Analyze This, critics remarked, I remember, on De Niro’s Paul Vitti as his way of finally being able to poke fun at the tough-guy roles that he’d become so attuned to, and renowned for, playing.

De Niro in the 1970s could sculpt a character that had quiet style and subtleties, even a troubled sort like Travis Bickle, with notes including a wistful/lamenting (as with prostitute Iris) or pausy/laconic/shy flavor (with Betsy, played by Shepherd). This character wasn’t meant to be Italian (nor was the more oddball-styled Rupert Pupkin—him you couldn’t really figure out as to ethnicity at all), but glimmers of De Niro’s Italian personality could come through. By 1999, with Paul Vitti, De Niro knew he could let fly with a strongly Italian-flavored character—because Vitti was a mobster anyway—but De Niro himself, you could say, was more coarsened in personal style, as I’ve said we all tend to get with age.

But the extra challenge—or opportunity—here for De Niro is that Vitti could be a bit swashbuckling in personal style with profanity, peremptory manners, and cutting or otherwise effusive remarks—rather like any gangster De Niro might have played. But this would also fit into a comedy, of a mobster seeking psychological counseling from a psychiatrist, played here by Billy Crystal. So De Niro’s Italianate succinct expressions, making a point with a hard-nosed question, accenting hand gestures, and so on feed into a give-and-take—with Crystal’s more deliberate, intellectual psychiatrist—that can be as much shtick as a genuine exchange. The result—which some (like Leonard Maltin) have suggested is a movie with a one-joke premise, whatever its merits—is still fun, especially for seeing how De Niro carves his way through the phases of this story.

In the DVD commentary, Crystal—who functioned as a producer for the movie, which took some years in development—shows that, while he apparently appreciated De Niro’s performance, he knew after seeing one of De Niro’s performances in an early scene that “TV coverage”—doing alternate takes for a TV version—“would be a problem.” This is because De Niro laid on the profanity thick. But how could he do otherwise with this role? De Niro apparently felt that the mobster should be as close to realistic as possible within the premises of the movie, lest the movie become too much like a sitcom or such. I think he made the right choice, because what keeps the story from getting thin is De Niro’s spicy delivery as a boorish mobster who nevertheless has psychological issues he wants honestly to address with a professional.


Story premises pretty straightforward

The storyline is fairly simple: While a big meeting of the many New York Mafia families is ahead—echoing a famous, real-life 1957 meeting—in order for the Mafia to address its eroding future, Vitti’s good friend Dominic Manetta [sp?], who had been an associate of Vitti’s father, is gunned down outside a restaurant at which Vitti has just met with him. So far, so Godfather-ish. Vitti starts to interrogate little mob players to try to find who killed Dominic. Later, Vitti has what seems like panic attack at a downtown hangout. He goes to the hospital; he apparently is too macho to accept that he had something so wimpy as a “panic attack” instead of what he has interpreted his episode as, a heart attack.

Meanwhile, Crystal’s Dr. Ben Sobel has a respectable enough life in which he rather competes with, and lives in the shadow of, his successful-psychiatrist father (played by TV’s Maude star Bill Macy). On his way to his parents' apartment, he literally runs into a limo driven by two mobsters, one being Jelly, played by Joe Viterelli (the actor died a few years ago); Dr. Sobel leaves Jelly his business card, in case—he doesn’t realize he has run into mobsters—the limo driver wants to confer with him about car-insurance issues. After Vitti has gone to the hospital, he—with Jelly—tracks down Dr. Sobel and wants his help for whatever psychological issue appears to be behind his emergent panic attacks.

The rest of the story mainly has Vitti seeking out Dr. Sobel at different times, for talk about his ongoing acute issues, while Dr. Sobel is in the process of getting married for the second time to a TV reporter, Laura McNamara, played by Lisa Kudrow (whom critics and even director Harold Ramis have said is underused in this film). The interplay between Vitti and Sobel is that of a comedy of a brutish criminal innocently intruding on Sobel’s life for instances of consultations, in a way that is suggestive of Vitti’s lack of sense of personal boundaries as well as also not appreciating the professional channels through which such consultations should be followed. (I find this amusing, having dealt with manic sorts as a support-group “point man” whom some found—rightly in general—was willing to help them out, while these people did not fully understand, or ignored, the boundaries of how and when they should seek help from someone in my position.)


Boundaries, manipulation, and other areas of ethics and manners

The issue of a Mafioso seeking psychological counseling has been criticized before—including what I remember as some real Mafioso’s criticism of The Sopranos for Tony Soprano’s regularly utilizing a (female) psychologist, which that Mafioso said was one unrealistic thing about the show. I think what is off the mark about this possible sort of criticism—with respect to Analyze This—isn’t so much that it may be unrealistic; on the contrary, I think it allows artistic possibilities for looking at the issue of boundaries between two areas that can be seen, in their respective ways, to be matters of (in the abstract) arcane premises, methods, and goals and (in practice) what seems like bullying and self-centeredness: the Mafia and psychiatrists. (I think this is a more tenable viewpoint with respect to psychiatrists than to psychologists, about which I say more below. Unfortunately, I didn’t mean to stray into this area too much.)

Though I would be the first to say that psychiatry—and, even more, psychology—is not simply bullying, but is about helping people with unusual, and sometimes acute and uncanny, types of suffering, it is still true that when a psychiatrist is aggressively on the wrong foot with a client, that professional’s behavior seems for all the world like bullying. So, academically speaking, what might tend to bring out a sort of social interaction where the “dark underside” of an honorable profession seems symbolized in some other, less respected area of endeavor that it interacts with? It would be a Mafia operative, seeking help from a psychiatrist in what seems a crudely self-centered, manners-mashing way: and when the psychiatrist starts getting increasingly impatient with the Mafioso, and can be high-handed or rude with him in his own way, the two very different “professionals” can seem like mirror-images: types of operators that seem all about wanting things done their own way, who can (sometimes) be starkly manipulative and unable to compromise. (The psychiatrist, of course, comes off better in this mess than the Mafioso.)

Obviously, this sort of thing can be only for limited tastes. People with familiarity with psychiatrists—and whose knowledge of the Mafia may be informed by Coppola and Scorsese movies—may find it all an interesting development of a theme. Meanwhile, the areas of psychology (which features mainly talk therapy) and psychiatry (which is practiced by medical doctors, who are able to prescribe medication) have endured changes in how much they are used and publicly respected in recent decades. Crystal’s Dr. Sobel utilizes talking therapy as a case-by-case alternative to medication, which I think was a more common choice among psychiatrists until roughly the point at which the movie was made (in the 1990s) than today; and today, talking therapy seems to enjoy less esteem among the public at large than it had for decades. Today psychopharmacology seems much more commonly aimed for for psychological ills—a complex topic that is reflected in recent media and public focus on the coming DSM 5 (the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, which I find it unfortunate to be commonly seen as a standard and definition of all things psychological). All this I cannot do justice to here. In any event, those valuing psychopharmacology over talk therapy may find Dr. Sobel’s talk-therapy school of thought to be quaint or outmoded.

Still others might ask, Why doesn’t Dr. Sobel, after a while, simply call the police and get Paul Vitti out of his life? Why does he want to help him?


Dr. Sobel’s life becomes mired in complexity, though his doctor’s instincts illuminate his way out

Of course, it is Dr. Sobel’s doctorly wish to help a man who is suffering that keeps him on track to help Vitti. That and his being in the dark, as the story proceeds, as to what some of the background to Vitti’s problems are. First, Vitti seals Dr. Sobel’s commitment to him in a comic scene at a hotel bar—with giant fish tank featuring “mermaids” in the background—that starts with Vitti’s initial complaint grounding why he wants a sudden consultation while Dr. Sobel is on vacation: “I couldn’t get it up last night!” Vitti eventually explains why this is a crucial issue for him, in his line of work; and it also starts becoming clear that a special event in two weeks—the “commission” meeting mentioned at the movie’s outset—makes time of the essence for Vitti (e.g., he cannot be having panic attacks at such a meeting).

Dr. Sobel tries to assure his financĂ©e Laura that he isn’t really treating Vitti, but his being bound up with Vitti becomes further tightened after FBI operatives appear to Dr. Sobel and require him to wear a wiretap to spy on Vitti because the FBI fears a coming major bloodbath. It is at a restaurant meeting between Sobel, Vitti, and others—which echoes a flavorful scene from The Godfather (Analyze This has a number of allusions to that film and its immediate sequel)—that Sobel starts to understand that Vitti had seen his father murdered in a gangland hit about 30 years before, and that may be the clue to Vitti’s panic attacks.

I’m leaving out observations on other flavorful features of this film, but I think I’ve given enough clues to show how the film marries a somewhat broad comedy with more subtle observations on manners, psychological theory, the way of seeing “the hurt soul under the hard carapace of the tough guy,” and so on that make it an interesting comedy. Billy Crystal in his DVD commentary remarks on an idea that director Billy Wilder had for a film, that he never brought to fruition, that reflects cultural understandings from about 50 years before—a story about a mobster who confides in a psychiatrist (or a psychologist?), and then, because the psychiatrist has been made privy to mob secrets that make him a liability, the mobster has to kill the psychiatrist, or such. Something of the same “professional conflict” comes up in this film, in a scene where Vitti seems on the cusp of shooting Dr. Sobel, with performances made more serious to meet the subtle demands of the story.

If all this sounds a bit quaint or obscure, and if you haven’t seen this film, I would suggest seeking it out, because the film isn’t just about Mafia conventions or psychiatric conventions. It gives food for thought about issues of confidentiality and what this entails, good and bad, “required to be enforced” or not; and it is simply fun, too.